With the sub-continent having gone nuclear, India is determined to pursue a policy of responsibly managing the nuclear equation with Pakistan. To this end, India has prepared a strong package of CBMs in the nuclear, military and conventional weapons sphere, which would be put forward by the eight-member team led by Foreign Secretary K Raghunath.

While India has already unilaterally declared that it will adhere to the ``no first use'' policy, it is seeking the same from Pakistan. At Islamabad, this stance will be reiterated, with India insisting that Pakistan's adherence to a ``no first use'' policy, would be a preconditionfor talks relating to nuclear security.

The ``fairly elaborate menu of CBMs'' relating to nuclear security would be buttressed by additional measures which would ensure greater transparency and communications in military matters, all aimed at lowering tensions, increasing confidence and removing mistrust on both sides, according to senior officials here.

On Kashmir, India's fundamental position is that the real problem in the troubled state is Pakistan's sponsorship of terrorist activity and that no credible discussions on Kashmir can take place without addressing the root cause.

Any proposal from Islamabad calling for a reduction of troops in Kashmir will be met with the inflexible position that unless Pakistan calls off its armed insurgents, there can be no force reduction.

``There can be no ducking this basic fact. The troops are in Jammu and Kashmir because of Pakistan-sponsored terrorism. So let us address this basic issue first. Once Pakistan halts terrorist activity, troop reductions can beconsidered,'' senior officials say.

This firmness regarding Kashmir will be tempered with flexibility on other issues since India is interested in ``serious and substantial negotiations, working to normalise relations even when we don't see eye to eye on many issues'', senior officials feel.

While there is a incipient optimism that the very process of talking has re-started despite numerous disruptions, India does not harbour any illusions that it will be smooth sailing considering the existing situation and a high degree of mistrust.

Indian analysts point out that Pakistan's one-point strategy at the talks would be to prove the futility of the bilateral framework for resolving the Kashmir problem, while foisting the blame for the failure on India.

Should the talks fail, Pakistan can go back to its long-drawn attempts to internationalise the Kashmir issue, seeking intervention of the international community to come to its rescue.

Keeping the Kashmir issue alive has been the raison d'etre forthe Pakistani military establishment. And for fifty years, animosities have been built up, nurtured and exploited by successive governments in Pakistan to serve their political ends.

Amidst the hype surrounding the talks, the complexities of the problems involved could be lost. The Kashmir question, which is also the most difficult problem between the two countries, is so complex that they preclude immediate results, officials stress. ``There can be no quick fix for a decades-old festering sore. But we have to diagnose the ills, before prescribing the medicine'', and that is what the talks will be about.