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October
11, 2001
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Looking
Glass
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Where is the reconciliation?
ONE
of the consequences of the end of the cold war is that it is no
longer possible to cast global conflicts in simplistic ideological
terms. Key figures while rushing to proclaim how the current stand-off
between the US-led coalition and the Taliban is not between the
West and the East, not between religions (Christianity and Islam)
fumble for adjectives. It is a fight, depending on who you listen
to, between: good and evil; democracy and anti-democracy forces;
the believers and the infidels; open and closed societies and so
on.
Cultural
historian Riane Eisler provides an unusual perspective by eschewing
conventional classifications and discussing current events, instead
as a contest between two underlying ways of structuring relations
in families and in societies. Central to her argument is the concept
of a ‘dominator’ society. A ‘dominator’ society consists of rigid
hierarchies (men over women, adults over children etc.) in which
the family and the environment take for granted the imposition of
will of the powerful over the weak by the use of force. In an interview
with an American weekly Eisler claims that “people in dominator
societies learn to accept control from the top, gross inequities
in living standards, a high degree of violence and fear in day-to-day
life. The basic model for domination is the punitive parent, specifically
the punitive male head of household. And since you can’t go against
this powerful figure, you learn to project onto ‘evil enemies”.
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We
need a long-range plan, and we need to do this together with
people all over the world
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Fundamentalists
such as Osama bin Laden and the Taliban, according to this line
of reasoning, cultivate hatred of the US not so much for all the
real injustices that they may or may not have suffered at the hands
of the Americans but for fear of its cultural influence — freedom
for women, the undermining of traditional authority and so on —
and the threat that Western democracy poses to their domination,
and to a system based on rigid rankings. If the thesis seems to
favour the West then Eisler is quick to point out that there are
dominator elements in every country, not least the US and recent
years have witnessed a worldwide dominator regression visible in:
multinational sweatshops, environmental rollbacks, the widening
gap between haves and have-nots, the IMF’s structural-adjustment
policies and in the resurgent religious fundamentalism, in the East
and the West, aimed at putting women back in ‘their place’ and reinstating
the absolute authority of the father.
Her
suggested long-term solution is a cultural transform- ation based
on the opposite of the dominator model which is what she terms the
‘partnership’ or ‘respect’ model where power is nurturing and empowering,
rather than fear-and-force-based and disempowering, where the male
and female halves of humanity are valued equally, and there is a
high value placed on care giving, empathy and non-violence.
In
practical terms for the US this translates as stopping the export
of its violent media; giving up self-serving but unjust aspects
of its foreign policy (such as supporting dictatorships) and joining
with pro-democracy forces; channeling aid directly to women and
children for health-care, nutrition and educational programmes rather
than promoting enterprise that primarily benefits the elites of
the developing and developed world which in turn strengthens the
top-down socio-economic structures integral to the dominator model
from which violence inevitably comes.
“We
need a long-range plan, and we need to do this together with people
all over the world.” Oddly after the rhetoric of revenge and retribution
emerging from the US after the terrorist attacks last month, Tony
Blair, British prime minister and currently the US president’s closest
supporter, struck a similarly idealistic note in his speech at the
recent Labour Party conference in Brighton. Describing the present
time as ‘an extraordinary moment for progressive politics’ he painted
a glowing picture of what the ‘power of the international community’
combined with ‘justice’ could achieve: the prevention of repression,
succour to the suffering in places like Afghanistan and Africa,
the implementation of environmental agreements, the calm and ordered
resolution of differences; greater understanding between nations
and faiths and so on. He even emphasised the need to provide more
aid, ‘untied to trade’; writing off debts; help with infrastructure
and encouraging ‘access to our markets so that we practise the free
trade we are so fond of preaching’.
Strong
words. But a week later the air strikes have begun in Afghanistan
and so have the protests in various parts of the world. The first
heart rending pictures of the victims are beginning to appear and
so are the cracks in the coalition. “The kaleidoscope has been shaken”
claims Blair. “The pieces are in flux. Out of the shadow of this
evil, should emerge lasting good.” Is that really possible?
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