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December
13, 2001
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Two
months after the Afghan war
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On
balance, Musharraf loses
Two
visual clippings on CNN broadcast over the last week brought out
the confusing and critical predicament in which Pakistan finds itself
in, two months after the US-led military campaign commenced against
the Taliban and the Al-Qaeda. One clipping showed an Afghan Pushtun
lamenting the destruction caused by the US bombing. He said it is
the common people who are the greater sufferers. He then proceeded
to comment, ‘‘The real Talibs are our people, they are Afghans who
brought stability in recent years. It is the foreigners who joined
them who have brought this tragedy and violence upon us. The Arabs,
the Pakistanis, the Chechans and Egyptians. These foreigners should
not have come to my country.’’
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The
fact of Pakistan-based terrorist groups operating in Kashmir
and Uzbekistan, being trained in Afghanistan, is now internationally
acknowledged
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The
second visual was an interview with a Pakistani demonstrator in
Islamabad. He said Pakistan has not gained what Musharraf told the
people that he was going to gain by supporting the US. The Taliban
government Pakistan had established in Afghanistan now stands destroyed.
Acknowledging his Pathan identity, the demonstrator said that the
Pushtuns who always had an important role in Afghan governments
may no longer have it. The non-Muslim soldiers who started being
permanently located in Muslim countries from the time of the Gulf
War are now located in Pakistan and in Afghanistan. Pakistan is
becoming a slave country because of Musharraf.
These
perceptions by the common people may not be nuanced or informed
but they reflect a general assessment close to the disappointing
realities which Musharraf is facing and is likely to face in the
coming weeks. Musharraf himself is on record stating that he supported
the US-led coalition not on the basis of principles and opposition
to international terrorism. He said that if he had not supported
the US, Pakistan would also have been labelled a terrorism-sponsoring
state and Pakistan’s strategic assets ‘‘would have been destroyed.’’
He added that the economic consequences of not supporting the US
would have had a critical impact on Pakistan’s economic situation.
One
of the gains for Musharraf is that he and his government gained
legitimacy. The US has lifted a number of sanctions imposed on Pakistan
since the late 80s, including those which were imposed after Pakistan’s
nuclear weapon tests in 1998. The US and Western democracies have
announced economic assistance for Pakistan to the tune of 1.25 billion
dollars. Certain categories of military cooperation and defence
supplies have been restored by the US. Trading concessions have
also been extended to Pakistan. General Musharraf managed to obtain
a public commitment from President Bush to agree to a reference
to the Kashmir issue in the joint statement issued at the end of
the General’s visit to the US which mentioned that ‘‘Kashmir issue
should be solved through diplomacy and dialogue in mutually acceptable
ways that take into account the wishes of the people of Kashmir’’.
The absence of any reference to bilateralism has been interpreted
by Musharraf as US accepting an important element in the Pakistani
stance on the Kashmir issue. While these gains are of general political
nature, many of the substantive beneficial anticipations of Musharraf
have not been fulfilled and some of them remain doubtful.
The
flow of economic assistance is spread over a period of time. The
specific demand for the supply of F-16 fighter planes has not been
accepted by the US so far. The US has not accepted Musharraf’s distinction
between the terrorism generated by Al-Qaeda and Osama bin Laden
and the terrorist violence sponsored by Pakistan in Jammu and Kashmir.
Musharraf insisting that the latter is a freedom struggle and should
not be labelled terrorism stands rejected given Bush’s statements,
particularly at the UN where he categorically said that the campaign
is going to be against terrorism of all categories and that terrorist
violence cannot be justified in terms of political and other reasons.
Musharraf wanted India to be excluded from the international coalition
against terrorism and from discussion on future political dispensation
in Afghanistan. This has not happened.
India
has been included in the Consultative Group of 21, created by the
UN for this purpose, an initiative which has the support of the
US. The revival of defence and military cooperation between India
and the US, parallel to the revival of such relations with Pakistan,
has negated his expectation that Pakistan will acquire military
advantages over India. A greater disappointment to Musharraf is
that the initial political and military assurances given to him
by the US could not be fulfilled because of unpredictable developments
in Afghanistan, specially since the end of October. Musharraf had
demanded that ‘‘moderate’’ Taliban elements should have a place
in the new interim government of Afghanistan. He had also suggested
that the Northern Alliance should be prevented from capturing Kabul
till his representatives could conclude negotiations on this point
with those segments of the Taliban who might have been willing to
participate in the proposed dispensation.
The
obduracy of the Taliban leadership and the operational impatience
and assertiveness of the Northern Alliance resulted in the US pulling
back from the initial assurances given to Musharraf. Not only did
Kabul fall to the Northern Alliance but all the major urban centres
of Afghanistan are now succumbing to their onslaught with the support
of the US armed forces.
Musharraf’s
pretensions that Pakistan was not an active participant in the Taliban
government stands completely exposed. Northern Alliance forces have
captured a large number of Pakistani cadres of the Taliban, many
of them identified as members of the Pakistani army. Under pressure
from his own High command, Musharraf has had to send Pakistani military
aircraft to Kunduz and other parts of Afghanistan to evacuate Pakistani
citizens from Afghanistan. The fact of Pakistan-based terrorist
groups operating in Kashmir and Uzbekistan, being trained in Taliban
camps in Afghanistan is now internationally acknowledged. The US-led
coalition forces using Pakistani military bases and coastal areas,
and the induction of US ground troops into Afghanistan against Taliban,
have added fuel to the fire of dissension in segments of Pakistani
public opinion.
Compounding
this negative situation is the influx of a large number of Taliban
cadres and Pathan refugees into the North-West Frontier Province
and into Baluchistan. This will generate tensions in these two important
provinces in Pakistan. The plan to have Afghanistan as an area under
Pakistan’s influence stands destroyed. The objective of having Afghanistan
as a country providing defence in depth against India and as an
instrumentality to contain Iranian and Uzbek influence, have also
been eroded. The US continuing military operations during the month
of Ramzan against the advice of Musharraf and the prospects of unstable
government in Afghanistan afflicted by a simmering civil war situation
in that country will create problems for Pakistan.
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