Someone else’s peace

Two warring nations and an Indian contingent in Africa

Last week the temperature at Bada was 65 degree celsius. Spare a thought for Lance Naik Rajesh Kuile of the 12 Maratha Light Infantry, keeping watch in that sizzling heat from the terrace of a prefabricated structure, part of an observation post in the heart of Danakil Depression, the world’s hottest place. Kuile is with the 1,200 strong Indian battalion, part of UNMEE, the United Nations Mission in Ethiopia and Eritrea.

The Indian contingent is a little over one third the total strength of the peacekeeping force (42,000 strong) deployed mostly along the 25 km wide Temporary Security Zone (TSZ) imposed by the UN across the 900 km border between the two warring nations. To comprehend the effort at peace, one must understand the genesis of war.

In a sense, the conflict is embedded in Africa’s colonial history. When Europe’s scramble for Africa was on in the late 19th century, the territory that is now Eritrea fell to the lot of Italy in 1890. If you look at the map, the proximity between the ports of Massawa, Assab and the Arabian Peninsula, across the Red Sea, makes it clear that Indian trading interests in Eritrea and Ethiopia pre-date history. But recorded history speaks of enterprising Gujarati businessmen who settled in Asmara, the capital of Eritrea, at the turn of the 20th century when Mussolini decided to make considerable investments in the colony. Asmara, at 7,000 ft above sea level, is like a hill station, the sharpest contrast to Bada, several hundred feet below sea level. So, Indians, like the Italian rulers, found the climate in Asmara salubrious.

In 1941, when World War II was at its fiercest, the British (mostly Indian troops in the British army) defeated the Italians, thus gaining control over Eritrea. Numerous Indian soldiers won Victoria Crosses and the memorial to Indian soldiers in Keren, northern Eritrea, is a heart-warming sight. The goodwill they earned with Britain was also advantageous to the Indian business community. Just as you can find Portuguese-speaking Indians in Angola, Mozambique and Macao or French-speaking Indians in Tahiti, you can find Italian-speaking Indians in Asmara. It is a dwindling diaspora, but for the Indian troops, a bit of home. This advantage is not available to soldiers and officers from 43 other countries in UNMEE.

Treaties signed by Italy and Ethiopia between 1900 and 1908 constituted the Eritrea-Ethiopia border. Eritrea remained under British mandate until 1950 when the UN decided on the country’s federation with Ethiopia. Eritrea’s autonomous character was retained. Even so, a liberation struggle began in Eritrea, reaching disturbing proportions when freedom fighter Hamid Idris Awate was martyred in 1962. Soon after, Emperor Haile Selassie of Ethiopia terminated the federation. Eritrea became the 13th province of Ethiopia.

By now the cold war had hotted up, the Horn of Africa controlling the Red Sea, was strategically vital for the super powers. In an era prior to satellite communication, Asmara had its own strategic value: it happens to be on the same longitude as Moscow.

Haile Mariam Mengistu’s pro Soviet Socialist order, which terminated Haile Selassie’s rule in 1974, was resisted by Eritrea, of course. But in this struggle, Eritrea was also joined by people of the Tigray province in Ethiopia. Jointly they defeated Mengistu (the defeat coincided with the end of the Cold War, which is another story) and agreed that Eritrea and Ethiopia shall be independent nations. Eritrea became free in May 1993.

There surfaced a geographical difficulty. After Eritrea’s independence, Ethiopia became landlocked. This fuelled the already considerable Tigray expansionism in Ethiopia. In 1998, a fierce, no holds barred war started. In December 2000, the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) brokered a Cessation of Hostility agreement between the two in
Algiers.

Kofi Annan, keen for a peacekeeping success in Africa, navigated UNMEE through the Security Council. A 42,000 strong peacekeeping force was sanctioned. Of this, 1,200 are Indians. Who is to lead this force? Gen. Vijay Jaitley was the Force Commander in Sierra Leone. The Nigerians were unhappy with an Indian as leader then; the British uncomfortable with their not too obvious role.

Since the Bosnian (later Kosovo) explosion in 1992, Europeans have been in deep thought on a peacekeeping force of their own. For over four years, SHRBRIG (Standby High Readiness Brigade) consisting of European countries (minus Britain and France) have been training in various capitals without ever being deployed. UNMEE provided the opportunity. India was sounded before SHRBRIG but MoD and the Armed Forces could not make up their minds whether to listen to Jaitley, the soldier at the front, or his detractors in New York and the Army.

While New Delhi mulled over the issue, Gen. Patrick Cammaert of Netherlands, Brigade Commander of SHRBRIG, was made Force Commander of the UN Peacekeeping Forces. Later New Delhi agreed to participate and the first Indian troops began arriving in March.

The Algiers accord brokered by the OAU calls for Ethiopia to revert to positions before hostilities began in 1998. Eritrean forces must withdraw 25 kms from the 1998 border. This Temporary Security Zone is to be monitored by UNMEE. The key Central Sector is with the Indian contingent under Col. G. Shankar. Guiding hundreds of thousands of internally displaced persons into the TSZ, determining claims and counter claims on positions held by the two sides, and averting any breach of the peace are some of the responsibilities of the Indian troops.

Razzmatazz, and not substance, is noticed initially. But only initially. Ultimately substance must prevail. SHRBRIG came in with fancy equipment. All the other UN elements in Asmara and Addis Ababa cast a doubtful eye when the Indians first arrived with their relatively frugal cargo. But the Indians surprised everybody when they got down to work.

The Indian army mess in Asmara was erected in two days. Bridges, roads, accommodations were repaired and built within weeks of the Construction Company’s arrival under Maj. Anil Singh’s leadership. Col Rajagopalan dispatched the company guarding that post in Bada in 65 degree celsius.

Various contingents have been visited by their Foreign and Defence ministers, even their royalty. The largest contingent in UNMEE expects their minister, Jaswant Singh, to put on both his hats: visit the troops as Defence Minister and open a Consulate in Asmara wearing the other hat. Expectations from him are high for an obvious reason: he was once a soldier.

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