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Agra
as a milestone
Vajpayee
depended on his instincts as the subcontinent’s most senior politician
How
is the world looking at the forthcoming Indo-Pak summit? Take Moscow’s
response, for instance. Russia’s foreign minister Igor Iganov sees
the ‘‘very event of the summit’’ a cause for optimism. In an exclusive
interview, Iganov regards ‘‘dialogue’’ leading to a step by step
settlement of the complex issues in Indo-Pak relations as the only
route that would lead to ‘‘regional stability.’’
Considering
that the interview follows the important Shanghai summit, the foreign
minister naturally dwelt at length on Afghanistan. The Russians
see the Indo-Pak summit as an important stepping stone towards controlling
the sort of extremism that is radiating from Afghanistan. It is
interesting that at Shanghai, even the Chinese expressed serious
concern at their own Uighur people in Xinjiang catching the extremist
infection.
‘‘It
is a fact widely recognised by the international community that
the Taliban-controlled areas of Afghanistan have become a centre
of international terrorism’’, Iganov said.
Iganov
sees criminal activity like ‘‘drug trafficking’’ as the principal
aim of the terrorists ‘‘behind a facade’’ of religion. Russian concerns
in Chechnya and their Pan Slavic interest in Balkans makes Moscow
that much more sensitive to ‘‘terrorism’’. And this comes through
Iganov’s responses.
Would
Pakistan gradually play the constructive role, along with Russia,
India and ‘‘a majority of countries’’ in coordinating the only action
that would bring peace to Afghanistan: promoting political talks
between opposing factions. Iganov hopes so. After Moscow if you
were to touch, say, London or any other western capital last week,
you would have found the foreign offices totally pre-occupied with
the Milosevic trial at The Hague.
That
should place the forthcoming Indo-Pak summit in some sort of a global
perspective. There is another reason why some of the key western
capitals have not been able to give their undivided attention to
the summit so far. In London, the transition from Robin Cook to
Jack Straw has been somewhat abrupt. Straw, in his earlier incarnation
as Home Secretary, had grasped such issues as terrorism, narco traffic,
and the complications in Afghanistan. He found himself in perfect
harmony with North Block on those concerns. But he would like to
acquaint himself with the files in the foreign and commonwealth
office before he finds himself acquainted with the cavernous Indo-Pak
track.
In
Washington, Christina Rocca is new to the job as the officer in
charge of the South Asia desk. Ambassador Blackwill also has not
yet left the shores of the United States to take up residence at
Roosevelt House.
Pakistan
Foreign Minister Abdul Sattar’s meetings with the res- spective
foreign offices clarified the picture in one respect but complicated
it in another. Sattar gave a glimpse of what the Pakistani stance
might be at the summit. But he also went on to explain why Musharraf
would not declare himself President. Lo and behold, days after Sattar’s
departure from the Western capitals, Musharraf declared himself
President. Had Sattar been left out of loop? In fact, there was
speculation whether he was on his way out.
The
development in Pakistan, namely Musharraf becoming President, caused
western capitals to take note. British Foreign Secretary Jack Straw
said: “I was deeply concerned to hear that Gen. Musharraf has dissolved
and suspended assemblies and assumed the Presidency. There is bound
to be widespread anxiety that this represents a setback in the transition
to elected democracy.”
Commonwealth
Secretary General Donald McKinnon was in a particular bind. One
of his key tasks is to prepare for the CHOGM (Commonwe- alth Heads
of Government Meeting) in Brisbane in October. The last Commonwealth
summit in Durban had barred Pakistan from any active participation
in Commonwealth activities. In fact, the Commonwealth Ministerial
Action Group was to visit Islamabad and set a deadline for a return
to democracy in that country.
The
other country against which such penal action was instituted was
Fiji. But Fiji is now holding elections in August under the 1987
constitution, which the international community endorsed. Fiji will
therefore have qualified to resume its seat at the Brisbane summit.
Will
President Musharraf have taken suitable steps to qualify as a leader
who has placed democratic processes on the rails again by the time
Brisbane takes place?
Surely
the implications of all this will not be lost on President Musharraf.
Vajpayee, depending on his instincts as the subcontinent’s most
senior politician, made an evaluation of Musharraf’s trustworthiness,
the dismal failure of the cease-fire in Kashmir, the altered global
picture and issued the invitation which Musharraf accepted. Now
they are both launched on a high-wire trapeze act.
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