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September
14, 2001
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How
do you crush a faceless enemy?
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Introspect,
USA
Reports
suggest that in America’s hour of crisis Islamabad may be leading
Washington by the hand into the complicated warrens of the Taliban.
Are the creators of the Taliban now inserting themselves into the
situation as America’s interlocuters? Secretary of State Colin Powell
suggested as much in his press conference. He said contacts had
been established with Pakistani diplomats in the US as well as in
Islamabad. Are the Pakistanis about to pull wool over American eyes?
Or are they about to be pressurised to a point where they will have
no option but to clean up their act in Afghanistan and possibly
even Kashmir.
There
is a soul of goodness in all things evil, Shakespeare said, should
men observingly distil it out. I have little doubt that America
will come out stronger from the horrors that have been visited upon
it. And, what is more, it will also come out wiser.
That
touch of recklessness in its unilateralism, I like to imagine, will
be curbed as the country’s leaders and thinkers sink into grave
reflection. ‘‘We are going to go after the bastards,’’ said Senator
Orrin Hatch of Utah, without having the slightest clue as to who
the ‘‘bastards’’ were. With an elegant wave of the hand President
Bush has silenced this sort of Ramboism. We shall be patient, he
said. But once the culprits have been identified without a shadow
of a doubt, Bush continued, not only will the perpetrators of terrorism
but those who harbour them will be subjected to punitive action.
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The
tragedy in the
US must lead it to introspect on how the world order ought
to be shaped. Unilateralism on NMD, the Kyoto Protocol, will
be perceived as American isolationism
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It
is interesting the NATO Secretary General Lord George Robertson
and other leaders in Brussels have thought of activating Article
5 of the NATO charter which regards an attack on one member an attack
on NATO. Already suggestions have been made that it should be a
larger coalition, including others, even Islamic states. In other
words, we may be moving away from piecemeal responses against terrorists
to more considered, co-ordinated action. Dropping Cruise missiles
blindly in search of Osama bin Laden or destroying an innocuous
pharmaceutical factory in Sudan may demonstrate power but not its
intelligent use. Invoking Article 5 of the NATO charter may well
resume a consultative approach which must, logically, end up with
greater credence to the UN.
The
great tragedy inflicted upon the US must lead to introspection on
how the world order ought to be shaped. Unilateralism on NMD, the
Kyoto Protocol, International Criminal Court, which came across
as demonstrations of unbridled power, will from now onwards — if
continued — be perceived as American isolationism. The caste system
in global peacemaking and peacekeeping, the eternal quibbling over
Article 6 or Article 7 of the UN charter must end.
The
UN has been relegated to the role of the poor man’s peacekeeper
under whose auspices Indian troops (among others) keep the peace
in Southern Lebanon and Eritrea-Ethiopia. The big boys co-ordinate
their role in the Balkans as Americans, NATO, EU or OSCE, in that
hierarchical order. Even in Balkans, in Macedonia to be specific,
the Americans will not send in their troops but provide logistical
support. The British will lead the peacekeeping contingent but keep
the Gurkha battalion in the forefront. None of it looks like the
precursor of an equitable world order.
Of
course terrorism must be crushed wherever it rears its head, but
how do you crush a faceless enemy. How do you cope with an enemy
who comes at you determined to die? Supposing you are able to determine
that Osama bin Laden is the source of the plan executed in New York
and Washington, how will you find him? The might of the Indian state
has not been able to find a sandalwood smuggler in the jungles of
Karnataka; Sri Lanka is out of its depth trying to locate Pirabhakaran.
There is no deliberate, ironical twist in this observation. I am
posing the question in all innocence.
If
flow of funds from the large American Roman Catholic community to
the IRA in Ireland is a source of concern to the British government,
imagine how the Indians have been bled in Kashmir by a continuous
injection of militancy into Kashmir by Pakistan. General Pervez
Musharraf calls it a ‘‘freedom struggle’’. By his definition what
happened in New York and Washington is also an extension of the
‘‘freedom struggle’’ being waged by the Muslim ummah wherever
it perceives the Americans on the other side.
Let’s
face it, the West has so far dissembled on Pakistan’s support to
militancy in Kashmir. This despite all the goodwill towards India
is recent years. Why this inclination to look the other way whenever
Pakistani complicity in Kashmir is pointed out? Reasons lie in history.
A cold war ally, a frontline state during Soviet occupation of Afghanistan;
it would go nuclear if not helped; it will turn fundamentalist.
A fundamentalist state with nuclear weapons? The real doomsday scenario!
The
West, I dare say, has never understood long term effects of the
interplay of religious and social dynamics on the sub-continent.
The essential truth has been dismissed as a cliche.
The
authors of the Pakistani state have conferred on Pakistan a problem
of national self definition: we are here because we could not live
with the Hindu majority. Unfortunately for Pakistan, the arithmetic
on the subcontinent is extremely awkward. There are more Muslims
in India than there are in Pakistan. To sustain its national self
definition it must continue to manufacture a double distilled, triple
distilled Islam, totally divorced from the tolerant ethos of the
subcontinent. This Pakistani project, in perpetuity, with Kashmir
as a means, has the effect of weakening India’s secular fabric.
The cause and effect, if unchecked, will be catastrophic.
Pakistan
has two choices. Either it will seek friendship with India — something
Gen. Musharraf appears to be in serious pursuit of — and become
a prosperous, moderate state. Or it will continue on that unstoppable
spiral towards becoming the world’s most dangerous militant state.
An American leadership, mellowed by the tragedy, must act in the
best interests of humanity.
As
Prime Minister Vajpayee said, terrorism is not divisible. I have
drawn American attention to where terrorism causes me to bleed without
for a moment being forgetful of two images that will haunt me for
a long while. Those planes slamming straight into the twin towers,
of course, but even more poignant the image of that boy in Palestine,
Mohammad, frightened, cowering behind a shelter, shot by an Israeli
bullet in full view of TV cameras.
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