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November
30, 2001
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WIDE
ANGLE
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A
nation in transition
Mistake
of spawning madrassas the world over
In
a system as closed as Saudi Arabia’s, if someone in authority comes
forward and outlines a vision of the future in the modern idiom,
two conclusions are inescapable: Saudi Arabia is in transition,
the process having been aggravated by September 11, and the person
engaging you in conversation will have a role in navigating this
transition.
Prince Abdullah bin Faisal bin Turki al-Saud, 50, already holds
an imposing job — chairman and governor of the Saudi Investment
Authority. With ample informality, he sits cross-legged at one end
of a large, semicircular sofa set against the wall decorated with
camel-and-sand designs knitted on to large panels of jute.
“These panels were made by an artist in Ireland.” He is not showing
off. This is his way of pointing out the absence of any handicraft
in his largely nomadic country. The prince had his early education
in a public school in England where he proceeded to complete his
masters in engineering.
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The
Saudis are under pressure from their own clergy and from the
Americans who want greater co-operation in choking off funds
that might be flowing to terrorists
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People
forget that prior to the huge increase in oil revenues in the seventies,
“We actually lived very modest lives.” Considering that his mother
is the King’s real sister, it does seem unreal that Prince Abdullah
has childhood memories of a mud house.
Sophisticated enough systems were not in place to monitor the wealth
and make shrewd investments. “And we made serious mistakes.” Not
just Prince Abdullah, even others in the Saudi hierarchy admit to
having invested huge sums in religious institutions — thousands
of madrassas across the globe imagining that all of this was benign,
charitable work in the name of Islam.
“Don’t forget in the seventies we forged a strategic relationship
with the Americans against the Soviet threat.” Since Islam in those
days was seen as a possible bulwark against communism, the strengthening
of Islamic institutions, the growth of Islam served a Western purpose
as well. Saudi pride in Islam became an anti-Soviet tool for the
West. And since “we too were vehemently opposed to Soviet communism,
our relations with the West were based on solid mutual benefits”
I asked Prince Abdullah how the Iranian revolution of 1979 had affected
Saudi-American co-ordination. Since the Kingdom’s relations with
Iran have improved enormously, the Prince was cautious in tackling
this subject. I approached it differently.
“By simple opposition to the West on the Palestinian issue, Iran
has created a huge constituency in the Arab street.” I said “How
do capitals like Riyadh and Cairo intend to cope with this alienation
since they are seen to be totally dependent on American patronage
and hopelessly ineffective in influencing Western policies on Palestine?”
Prince Abdullah sat up, almost defiantly. “I don’t agree with your
assumptions. First, if one society is not good at external public
relations, it does not mean it is not doing the right things. And
for this reason the perception can be worse than reality. Unlike
some others, we do not have a political agenda. All we want is to
develop a society into a positive entity within the international
community. We would not like to be negative (against the West) simply
to achieve some shallow instant popularity.”
But he added that the “Saudis will be essential” to the global programme
of “exploring the causes of the conflicts from the Red Sea, the
Mediterranean, and all the way to other parts of Asia.
Prince Abdullah like other Saudis is still in a state of shock at
the events of September 11. “As human beings and as Muslims hosting
the holy places we are all in shock and even though we don’t know
all the facts as yet, we are told that some of the hijackers and
perpetrators of violence may have been from the Middle East and
Saudi Arabia. It is mind boggling that they can appear on the media
and admit that what they had done was in the name of Islam”. He
added, “And they have been using problems in the Middle East to
mobilise popular support.”
Saudis have been shaken beyond belief by the barrage of media criticism
in the West. So far the media has been considerate of the Saudis
for their stout support during the cold war and the Gulf War. What
has gone wrong?
What is bothering them particularly is that they are under severe
pressure on the one hand from their own clergy and population and
on the other from the Americans who are seeking greater co-operation
in choking off funds that might be flowing to terrorists.
In fact, the very day I arrived in Riyadh, Crown Prince Abdullah,
Deputy Premier and the all-powerful commander of the National Guard
held an extraordinary meeting with the country’s leading clergy
and Islamic scholars. Among those who attended was Grand Mufti Sheikh
Abdul Aziz ibn Abdullah al Sheikh, president of the Council of Senior
Islamic Scholars. The purpose of the meeting was to mollify the
clergy in a state of agitation at the occasional anti-Islamic edge
to the global discourse since September 11.
“I would like to assure you that there will not be any bargain or
change in policy in matters related to religion and nation.” Also
in attendance was Prince Sultan, second deputy premier and minister
of defence who briefed the clerics on the contacts he had had with
President Bush.
“By they way, have you seen the new construction, the markets we
have built?” I told him that we had been advised not to film anything
outdoors. He stood up abruptly, in a huff. “Who has told you that?”
The ministry of information, I said. He began to nod his head. “I
don’t believe it,” slapping his side in anger, “I don’t believe
it.” He then calmed himself, lit a cigarette. After a long pause
he said, “well, I promise you that things will change — we must
open up.”
What has rattled Saudis in particular is the comprehensive list
Americans have handed to Riyadh demanding freezing of various accounts
allegedly linked to terrorists. Every major Saudi business house
finances some Islamic charity. The Saudis find the evidence unconvincing.
But what disturbs them more is something else. If all charitable
funding of Islamic institutions is brought under Western scrutiny,
the reaction will be unacceptably strong among exactly the sort
of clergy the Crown Prince was trying to mollify.
A Washington-Riyadh spat could be messy. Gen Anthony Zinni’s arrival
as Colin Powell’s emissary in the region has given hope to some
in Saudi Arabia, including Prince Abdullah, that matters may be
defused amicably. For India there is an opportunity in an unexpected
way. After all there are 1.5 million Indians in Saudi Arabia sending
home four billion dollars annually. The Saudi leadership looks to
India for more investments and political interaction, themes that
foreign minister Jaswant Singh is all too familiar with after his
recent visit to the Kingdom.
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