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The fight for the carcass
Anything that has been around for some time hardly inspires surprise. That holds good as well for individuals as for institutions. One exception is the Congress party. It has existed for a hundred years and more, changing like any other creation and yet remaining, like god, changeless. Because of its century-long presence, nothing about it, neither the changes nor the quality of changelessness, should have engaged more attention than the sunrise or the seasonal fall of leaves. It is not so. What makes the Congress a unique organisation is that it keeps springing surprises. Currently, there are two surprising things. One is that it has suddenly broken out of its hoary tradition of consensus and nomination. It is not entirely a negative tradition. In good times, that tradition of consensus had helped the party to prove its ultimate unity of mind. In bad times, it was even more helpful. By evolving consensus and/or leaving it to the leader to nominate any flunkey to any position or to take any disastrous decision, Congressmen have been able to sublimate all rivalries and all turbulences.That was what happened when Gandhi arbitrarily undid Bose's election as the party chief for Nehru's benefit, and everyone's silent endorsement. That was what happened when Rajiv was made leader even before his mother's cremation. That was again what happened when, in an amazing show of emasculation, all ageing partymen surrendered their leadership to Sonia. All jealousies and all animosities dissolved, in a manner of speaking, in that queer culture of consensus. The tradition of nomination often militated against the spirit of democracy, placed a premium on simulated loyalty and encouraged sycophancy. Its worse part was that it appeared to be the party's unalterable trait. The surprising thing is that it has become more than alterable. Congressmen now are not only against consensus but keen to have multi-polar contests for the position of their chieftain. And, when they are in combat, they like it have it armed and unarmed, with no holds barred. No other party has had an election of its leader ever with such open and uninhibited acrimony. When Antulay filed his papers, what he had to say about Kesri was what he would not have said about his worst detractor from another party. After he decided to contest, what Sharad Pawar has said is verbally not as venomous but worse. He has accused Kesri, his main rival, of all kinds of misuses and abuses of office. He has also disclosed that Kesri's supporters in large numbers have contacted him, of course clandestinely. The diatribes and the declamations do not have the tenor of a friendly match between two leaders of one party. It is a war after which the loser cannot live in peace with the winner. The other surprising thing about the Congress is that so many leaders should want to be its chief even in its current state of decimation. There is no state where it is now somewhat of a viable force. There is little hope that it can put together a ministry anywhere on its own. There is no end in sight of ugly factionalism which reached its high point the other day when a poll officer of the party was beaten up well somewhere and another veteran staged dharna elsewhere with an allegation of poll rigging. Pitted happily against itself, the party can expect to be effective as one which can upset whatever others put together. The other area where it can hope to be effective is in shielding its every other leader, dead or alive, who gets involved in one bad case or another worse one. That so many selfless men should be rushing to grab such a party's leadership is a tribute to their courage. It needs such men of courage to enter where normal men are ashamed to tread. Their courage is striking particularly when viewed against their chronicles of debacles. Kesri who poses as an old lion has a fascinating record as a leader who could never find enough voters to send him up to Lok Sabha from his home state. His party there is in a shambles, in spite of Laloo Yadav's helpful gestures. Antulay who came out first to challenge him had covered himself with glorious cement when he was the boss in his state. Sadly, much of that cover was washed away by ebullient arguments in courts. Pawar had gone around grazing on other narrow political pastures before he came back to preside over the liquidation of the party in Maharashtra. No leader with less prowess could have brought Shiv Sena to power there. Pilot who has made the deserts of Rajasthan his electoral home is but a natural, unsurprising contender. As he regards himself, he is a man of destiny and is willing to apply for any good job that is available. No one need fear that any one of them will change the shape of the party. That is not their mission. Everyone speaks of revitalising the ancient party and Pawar has even threatened to inflict a manifesto on his partymen. Going by the fate and the declared purpose of every manifesto and considering the capacity of every contender to bore the people, ordinary partymen can rest assured that no greater harm can now come their organisation. They should sit back and watch with delight the grand fight for the carcass. Copyright © 1997 Indian Express Newspapers (Bombay) Ltd.
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Infrastructure Bond Issue
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