The Sena which started as a social organisation to safeguard the interests of Marathi Manus has come a long way since the '60s when it initially succeeded in consolidating its position among the typical middle class and working community of Mumbai. It's anti-South Indian propaganda raised a storm in Mumbai which nevertheless continues to be as cosmopolitan as before. However, Thackeray, through his fiery language, did succeed in attracting youths and spread his tentacles all over the state.

The party gained new colours with Thackeray'sdecision to transform it into a political organisation. This raised expectations among his followers and power tussles began, though its attempt to hoist the saffron flag atop Vidhan Bhavan in 1990 came to nought. Soon, however, it began to be criticised for extortions and engineering killings of political opponents and dissidents and above all for nurturing feuds among various communities with the sole intention of gaining power.

In course of time Sena stalwarts like Hemchandra Gupte, Wamanrao Mahadik, Dattaji Salvi and many others have been sidelined or ignored because they were considered as an impediment in the clandestine ways of the Thackeray Clan. But at the same time, the likes of Kanhaiyalal Gidwani, Suresh Keshwani, Pritish Nandy, Suresh Kalmadi, Mukesh Patel and Parvez Damania were given a ticket to Matoshree, Thackeray's official residence, a fact which is heartily detested by long-serving loyal Shiv Sainiks. Now a new era has begun in the Sena with the emergence of Raj and Uddhav(nephew and son respectively of Bal Thackeray), their sidekicks Jayant Jadhav, Rajan Shirodkar and Ashutosh Rane. Mobile phones, fancy cars, five star hotels and foreign trips have become the order of the day. Alongside, even dissenting partymen began to be sacrificed. Sainiks in particular and the people of Maharashtra in general have yet to forget the broad daylight murder of Shridhar Khopkar, Subhash Damre and other like-minded Sainiks.

Sons, followed by daughters-in-law, soon showed their inclination to take over the party. Matoshree their headquarters, ministers and government Secretaries are now routinely summoned there. What they want done, however, has nothing to do with the party's official line of protecting the Marathi Manus.

This is clearly illustrated by the case of Ramesh Kini, a typical middle class Marathi Manus. His flat in Dadar, a Sena stronghold, was being eyed by friends of Raj Thackeray. He died under mysterious circumstances when he resisted eviction.Thackeray's don't care attitude shocked the entire Marathi-speaking Sena constituency. But if the common Marathi Manus has been upset at these deviations of the party, the devoted Sainik has not been too far behind. Eyebrows were first raised over Thackeray's open diktat against the Mandal Commission's recommendations, reflected in the appointment of Manohar Joshi as the leader of Opposition in the Assembly in 1990 when there were far more qualified persons from the backward community. The recent sacking of Ganesh Naik, a self-styled leader from the all powerful `agri' community (OBC) is the manifestation of the same ailment. Party bosses will never encourage any challenge to its leadership.

In between, Thackeray's justification of the demolition of the Babri Masjid was more evidence of cunning political opportunism. He was shrewd enough to cash in on the anti-Muslim feelings then prevailing and inflamed passions by support to the maha-aartis, opposition to azaans from mosques andother inflammatory speeches and writings were part of the same design. The post-Ayodhya riots became a turning point for the Sena to re-establish itself as the true saviour of Hindus and Hinduism. History is witness to the devastating results of Thackeray's call to Sainiks to wake up and retaliate....

But while this `Hindu strategy' worked for the party, helping it to come to power in alliance with the BJP in 1995, Thackeray's decision to remote control the State government has been less popular. Apart from ridiculing the institution of the Chief Minister's office solely to protect his supremacy, Thackeray has used the opportunity to accommodate his own close confidantes and relatives, giving them plum posts in and on the fringes of the government. Sena veterans, those who toiled and faced persecution during bad times, were conveniently ignored. Chandumama Vaidya, Priyanka Sawant, Madhavrao Jog and others with little or no contribution to the party during its long years in wilderness have gained moresignificance. Even houses under the government's `ten per cent scheme' have been distributed indiscriminately to all brothers, sisters, their relatives, their lackeys -- in fact, everybody but the truly deserving!

Once upon a time the Sena was confined to Mumbai. It could not spread its wings beyond Thane, for long : in 1985, I was the party's sole MLA. But the vacuum created in interior Maharashtra by dissolution of the Samajwadi Congress, with no alternatives to Indian National Congress, created space for Sena in rural areas. The vulnerable section of youths, earlier fascinated by Samajwadi Congress, was attracted to Sena. But instead of projecting new faces in the 1995 polls, the Sena settled for luring disgruntled elements from the Congress. Today, Congress stalwarts like Sureshdada Jain, Radhakrishna Vikhe-Patil and Dilip Sopal have more importance in the party than true blue Sainiks.

The saffron alliance now also finds itself on the backfoot on issues like the Sahara megacity projects,Enron revival, sale of land by city textile mills. Then again even Shiv Sainiks were shocked by their party's position on Ramabai Ambedkar Nagar and the subsequent attack on my residence. People were quick to spot attempts to tamper with evidence in both the Kini and Ramabai cases by producing false witnesses in both. Capped by allegations of corruption against Chief Minister Manohar Joshi which were supported by Thackeray through the expression of public anguish through Saamna, the party mouthpiece, has come has one of the final nails, though not the last, in the Sena coffin.That Thackeray is losing his grip is evident from the fact that his subsequent decision to keep himself away from active politics did not evoke as much response from his followers as in the past. Many honest party activists admitted such a stunt was not required. Instead, a well thought out future course of action, based less on tantrums and more on mature policy, was needed for the party's survival. In its absence, moreintra-party feuds and political disillusionment are inevitable. The Sena may thus witness further splits in the days to come.