The discussions between the Gov-ernment of India representatives, led by the Prime Minister's special emissary, Swaraj Kaushal, and the NSCN (I-M), may not have made extraordinary pro-gress but they have secured for the people of Nagaland and those who have their best interests in mind an opportunity that may not come again and again.

For decades, the people of Nagaland have been divided on the basis of clan and tribe. The NSCN (I-M) is dominated by the Tangkhuls, of whom the most outspoken and important voice is that of Thenguelang Muivah, and to an extent by the Sema community. The chairman of the NSCN (I-M) is Issac Chisi Swu, a Sema, while Muivah is the body's general secretary. But Muivah is not from Nagaland.He is originally from Ukhrul in Manipur and this is a fact that cannot be wished away when the peacemakers talk.

The Federal Government of Naga-land, representing the more moderate voice of the community through the Naga National Council, is a group lar-gely representing the Angamis, which sees itself as the true inheritor of the mantle of Angami Zapu Phizo, the founder of the Naga liberation struggle.

And then there is an existing state legislature and a Council of Ministers in the state, led by S. C. Jamir, who is seen as the main foe of the NSCN (I-M). Indeed, the opponents of the chief minister have only themselves to thank for the difficult situation in which they find themselves: the election boycott call of the NSCN and then of opposition groups as well as non-government organisations resulted in Jamir winning the elections handsomely.

And there is the question of the `Naga nation' or `Greater Nagaland' that seeks to absorb parts of Assam and Manipur. This does not have any support in either ofthose states because neither the political leadership nor the people will accept it.

With regard to the ceasefire, one year is not enough to build the basis for a lasting peace, especially in terms of economic programmes that the Centre can initiate -- with or without the involvement of the state government.

There is no industry worth the name in Nagaland. Yet, thanks to the Centre's munificence and turning a blind eye to collective loot (part of which has gone to different militant groups and partly shared between politicians, officials and favoured contractors/businessmen), tho-usands of crores have just gone into the state without any accountability.

The two areas which should become the keys to better economic planning and ecological regeneration are afforestation and horticulture.

Afforestation does not just mean government programmes to plant trees. It involves community-supported projects that will protect what exists and bring more areas under green cover. This has begun to happen in a smallway in different parts of the state.

Of course, the Village Development Boards (VDBs) can be a useful tool in this process. The Northeast is one of the richest bio-diverse regions of the subcontinent. The strategy should involve plantation crops such as rubber, bamboo/cane, sunflower seeds and tropical and citrus fruits. Fruit processing units should be set up at a central hub and a transport network involving local entrepreneurship developed.

The various militant groups should consider putting some of their funds in such ventures, with their representatives monitoring the projects. This would give them a stake in the new Nagaland and show people that they are serious about improving living conditions.

The other processes of peace must continue: the bringing together of differing groups in a transparent search to end the bloodshed and hatred, instead of just fixing the blame on one group or another. Let us go on the basis that everyone, not just the Government of India, has made mistakes. It takescourage to acknowledge that one has made mistakes. Let the visionary seize the opportunity to build a prosperous Naga region.

The writer specialises in Northeast affairs