On top of that agenda is a decision on the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty, which is likely to decide the fate of the various ``strategic dialogues'' that the Centre has been holding with Russia, the US, France and Britain.

Crucially, the new government will have to take a position on India's nuclear-missile programme, which in turn is likely to have an impact on the dialogue between New Delhi and Washington. Moscow and Paris have indicated that they are willing to live with India as a de facto nuclear weapons power, complete with its missile arsenal and a minimum nuclear deterrent in place, but London is expected to follow the line that emanates from its partner across the Atlantic.

There is some fear in the scientific communitythat a new government may attempt to freeze progress made on the missile front, citing lack of financial resources, and in effect strait-jacketing it. They point out that former Congress Prime Minister PV Narasimha Rao veritably put on perpetual hold the Agni-I programme, possibly under Western pressure, by calling it a ``technology demonstrator.''

India's unfinished negotiations with the US, therefore, seem to hold the key to the manner in which New Delhi's foreign policy will unfold in the new millenium. A ninth round of talks between the principal interlocutors, External Affairs minister Jaswant Singh and US deputy secretary of state Strobe Talbott were tentatively scheduled for the summer, after the Budget session of Parliiament, where the possible contours of a mutually satisfactory deal were going to be finalised.

In fact, Jaswant Singh and a few of his colleagues, including Principal Secretary Brajesh Mishra, were about to visit Washington in early-mid April, a trip that never took place because ofthe sudden momentum generated by domestic politics.

A visit by US President Bill Clinton to India was one of the topics on the agenda of discussions, but within a ``positive environment''. This, highly placed sources said, was a euphemism for a prolonged Presidential waiver of the economic sanctions imposed after last year's nuclear tests as well as an understanding of India's security environment, including China.

Meanwhile, dates were also being tossed around for a trip to China by Jaswant Singh, possibly in May, after the JWG meeting between the two sides. This would have been portrayed as sealing the process of ``normalising relations'' between Asia's largest powers, a relationship that went through the grinder after New Delhi named Beijing as its chief reason for going nuclear and China responded by calling India a ``hegemonistic'' power.

But over the last month, cross-party relations have already been getting back on keel, with CPI(M), followed closely by Congress, leading delegations toChina.

CPI is now going to follow suit with a visit from April 20. In fact, the government's programme for the months of April and May, as the BJP would have celebrated the anniversary of its nuclear tests, were fairly hectic on paper: Singh was also planning in late May a Central Asian journey, taking in Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan (touching, also, the medieval city of Khiva), and culminating in Moscow.

A visit to Russia, ministry of external affairs sources said was essential, if only to reforge the special bonds that tie both nations together -- and perhaps, prepare for a Prime Ministerial visit in the late summer.

Meanwhile, following the PM's historic journey to Lahore, the second round of foreign secretary-level talks, expert group meetings as well as other official negotiations on issues from Siachen to Sir Creek, were on the anvil over the next couple of months.

Ministry sources, however, pointed out that the political consensus on talks with Pakistan would ensure that at least this part ofthe action plan was likely to carry on, on schedule.