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Even three days after the `one-minute' time-frame, courageously set by Rashtriya Janata Dal chief Laloo Prasad Yadav, to form a new government has expired, an alternative is still in the realm of the imagination of a motley group of opposition leaders. There is little evidence to suggest that the unity they showed in pulling down the Vajpayee government on that Saturday afternoon is still in place. Far from that, they all speak languages distinctly different from each other's and yet have the audacity to claim that government formation is within their reach. Ironically, those who ridiculed the BJP coalition for being a Tower of Babel, today find themselves in a worse situation. Look at the contradictions: the RSP and the Forward Bloc have committed themselves against supporting a Congress-led government; the Tamil Maanila Congress will not support a government in which the AIADMK plays a role; the Left's support for the government will be conditional; Jayalalitha would like Jyoti Basu to be the next PrimeMinister and the Congress is yet to decide whether to head a coalition government or form its own government or support a Third Front/Left Front-run government. The net effect of all this is that the opposition seems to be distancing itself from its lofty goal of throwing up an alternative government.
Of course, the opposition, particularly the Congress, believes that once it gets an invitation from the President, forming a government will be that much easier. But President K.R. Narayanan has limited options in this regard as he will have to stick to the norms he had himself set while inviting Vajpayee to form a government. Any deviation, particularly in view of the razor-thin margin with which the BJP government was defeated, is bound to raise eyebrows. When Narayanan insisted that Vajpayee produce letters of support from Jayalalitha and her allies before he was invited to form a government, it was not exactly to ensure that he enjoyed majority support -- after all, despite her letter he was still short ofmajority on March 16 last year -- the day the President invited him. Perhaps, Narayanan only wanted to ensure that he was not foisting on the nation another 13-day wonder that the first Vajpayee government was.
In fact, it was the support the BJP ministry obtained subsequently from the Telugu Desam and other groups that helped it to function for 13 months. In the past, too, letters of support have not made any governments secure. Despite Rajiv Gandhi giving such a letter to prop up the Chandra Shekhar ministry, he had little compunction in pulling it down the moment a Haryana constable was sighted near his residence. Similarly, despite Subramanian Swamy giving a solemn letter to Narayanan, he utilised the first available opportunity not to vote for the Vajpayee ministry. Given the hiatus between the precepts and practices of politicians -- after telling the whole world that it will stay neutral, the BSP voted against the motion of confidence the next day -- it is puerile to depend on letters. But havingmade a virtue of letters, the President would be accused of bias if he were to discard the letter approach. After all, it was Narayanan's directive asking Vajpayee to prove his majority that precipitated the political crisis now facing the nation. It shows how strict adherence to the letter of the law, rather than the spirit, can prove costly.
Copyright © 1999 Indian Express Newspapers (Bombay) Ltd.
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This story was printed from Net Express located at http://www.expressindia.com. Net Express provides a portal to India, with news from The Indian Express and The Financial Express along with sites on travel and tourism, the entertainment industry, the power sector, the environment and much more.
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