The few lean paragraphs on ``international relations'' and ``national security'' in its manifesto are in contrast with the more detailed world-view put out by the Congress. Of utmost significance, however, is the fact that the BJP acknowledges right away that we live in a ``unipolar world.'' And though the Congress shies away from classifying India's place in such a top-heavy universe, it has bravely dropped the phrase ``non-alignment'' from its own bookof intentions.

That other Congress mantra, the ``plan for the time-bound and phased elimination of nuclear weapons'' is, however, alive and well. The plan, of course, refers to the 1988 Rajiv Gandhi Action Plan for a Nuclear Weapons-Free and Non-Violent World Order, a mouthful in this post-historical era. But the Congress has no hesitation in taking a small holiday from realism, and determinedly links this to India's approach to issues like the CTBT, and the fissile material cutoff convention.

Meanwhile, it reserves its only barb for Vajpayee's handshake at Lahore; all its other comments are either unabashedly critical of the BJP or far too platitudinous. Even as ``Pakistani aggression, both overt and covert'' will be firmly dealt with, confidence-building measures ``going beyond mere bus rides will be high on the agenda.'' It is here that the hand of the former minister of state for external affairs and primary Sonia Gandhi aide, K. Natwar Singh, seems most evident.

The utterly bland copy put out bythe BJP, on the other hand, ensures that its author remains shrouded in secrecy. Last year's manifesto carried much more zip, with declarations of belonging to the elite nuclear club and proceeding with the missile programme like its larger neighbours (read China).

But now that the first is under India's belt and the second proceeds apace, the BJP's reluctance to be clearer about its vision seems disquieting.

Perhaps it doesn't know where it's going. Perhaps the many variables in international realpolitik and India's relation to them are still in a state of flux. Whatever the truth, there exists only a passing reference to India's ``engagement process'' with the world, which shall be ``developed to improve its standing in the international community''.

Implicit in this, of course, is much deeper engagement with the US, especially since Washington is acknowledged as the centre of the unipolar world previously acknowledged. But with China too, the process of normalisation that began a couple of monthsago is being set to full steam ahead with expert group meetings in October-November and, soon after that, the setting up of a Sino-Indian security dialogue.

At the end of the century, the Congress seems hugely disturbed at the fracture of the foreign policy consensus at the hands of the BJP. While no concrete instances ar given, one assumes that after having nurtured the nuclear programme for decades (didn't Mrs Gandhi go nuclear in 1974?), the Congress is kicking itself for letting the BJP win-win the national approval associated with the tests.

Nevertheless, the BJP could have at least indicated its mind on issues like the CTBT that have been central to the foreign policy debate at least since the Narasimha Rao government. From co-sponsoring the CTBT resolution (with the US) in 1994, to refusing to sign in 1996, New Delhi's position has changed quite a bit. But having gone nuclear in 1998, India announced at the UN that it would not prevent the CTBT from entering into force. After the elections, apolicy decision on this treaty will be at the top of the agenda.

In places, the Congress manifesto displays either sheer other-worldiness (``India will continue to work for the rapid agricultural and industrial development of Africa'') or considerable disinterest (``India will play whatever role it is called upon to play in placing (the Middle East) process on a more solid footing''). It is also determined about restoring a special place to the Indo-South African relationship but thankfully, doesn't resurrect the Gandhian tie that gave it so much meaning a hundred years ago.One last word: in a 41-paragraph manifesto, the BJP relegates its foreign policy statements to paragraphs 32-35. The Congress section on foreign policy is in the last but one page in its 80-page manifesto.

The unimportance accorded to India's place in the world by both parties, as we stand on the threshold of a new millennium, is perhaps the most revealing element of both documents.