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Why all moves backfire in J&K
Neerja Chowdhury
We shall be bold and innovative designers of a future architecture
of peace and prosperity for the entire South Asian region.
So declared Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee in his New
Year musings from Kumarakom. His latest move to invite General
Pervez Musharraf for talks to Delhi is surely bold, but will
it herald peace for the region?
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Government
moves in Kashmir are only to deflect domestic or international
pressure
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Each
and every initiative taken by the government on Kashmir has
fallen flat. Last year the Track-II players had readied Majid
Dar, the deputy Commander of the Hizbul Mujahideen, for talks
with the government. But the government failed to anticipate
the reaction that might come from Syed Salahuddin, the chief
of HM based in Pakistan. The move was stillborn.
The government initiated secret talks with the Hurriyat, but
without adequately taking into confidence Chief Minister Farooq
Abdullah. It should have been obvious that the National Conference,
which fights a turf battle with the Hurriyat, would not take
it lying down. The result was that Farooq’s autonomy agenda
as well as the talks with the Hurriyat were both derailed
at the same time.
Next, the unilateral ceasefire in the beginning of Ramazan
was meant to generate goodwill in the Valley. Instead of striking
while the iron was hot, the government took four long months
to make up its mind that K.C.Pant would be its key interlocutor
with the Kashmiri groups. The announcement came on the eve
of Jaswant Singh’s visit to the US to meet President George
Bush. The Pant card got trumped even before it was played.
Drift in policy is always costly. Not only did the last six
months witness an increase in casualties both in the civilian
as well as the armed forces, it also closed the ranks between
the foreign militants and their local counterparts and the
hardliners and the moderates. The ceasefire was supposed to
drive a wedge between these groups. The mood in the Valley
changed dramatically, and there is talk of the return to the
1989-90 situation.
The ceasefire initiative became counterproductive due to lack
of coordination between the various departments of the government.
The PM announced that the Hurriyat leaders could go to Pakistan.
The Home Ministry objected to provide passport to Jamiat-e-
Islami’s Syed Ali Geelani.
The whole controversy made Geelani a hero in the Valley, with
even the foreign militants acknowledging his leadership, as
he led pro-Pak rallies in the state. The move to sideline
him backfired.
And now comes the move to invite Musharraf to Delhi. There
are indications that New Delhi is mulling over the possibility
of a summit meeting between the two leaders. It is believed
to have figured during Jaswant Singh’s visit to Riyadh, and
during Richard Armitage’s recent visit to Delhi. After their
return from Srinagar, L.K. Advani and Jaswant Singh decided
the twin initiative which was formalised at the lunch meeting
with the PM. The withdrawal of the ceasefire determined the
timing of the invitation to Musharraf.
Has adequate ground been prepared for the talks? Or was the
move meant only to show to the world that the peace process
is still on? The suddeness of the move has caught everyone
unawares. Even the Foreign Office is dumb-founded. It was
only yesterday that the government was trotting out reasons
why India could not talk to Pakistan till it had stopped cross-border
terrorism. There has been no warning, no preparation, no convincing
reasons given for why suddenly it has changed its position.
Neither was the cabinet taken into confidence, nor was the
Opposition. Only Vajpayee informed Sonia Gandhi and some others
before the decision was announced.
The stakes are very high for both Musharraf and Vajpayee.
Vajpayee may not have an army breathing down his neck but
we are living in a post-Kargil India and not a pre-Lahore
scenario. After all, the service chiefs will be saluting a
man responsible for sending hundreds of our jawans to their
death.
The trouble is that all along adhocism has characterised the
government’s entire approach to the Kashmir problem. It makes
moves only to deflect either domestic or international pressure,
possibly in the hope of buying time. That is, indeed, the
crux of the problem and cause for worry. But today, it has
to move forward or it will roll backwards. The Government
must be clear which way is it headed.
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