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‘It’s time now, we need to apply our mind’
Abdul
Gani Bhat
THE
entire world mourns the death of thousands of innocent people
in United States of America. It was a terrorist attack and
a big tragedy. We feel the pain of the people of America;
in fact we feel its intensity the most. The people of Kashmir
are cowering in the corners of their homes, crying in pain
and mourning the killings of their youngsters day in and day
out on their own soil. They cannot celebrate death.
We
Kashmiris relate to killings, whether they happen in the streets
of Palestine, Bosnia or anywhere in the world because we know
what it means. This was the reason the All Parties Hurriyat
Conference decided to go against the hartal call two weeks
ago.
A
stage has reached in the history of our freedom movement where
we need to apply our mind. As and when such a thing shapes
up, sounder counsel prevails. we did not agree with the hartal
call given by certain elements motivated by sentiments alone.
We have been condemning terrorism in all forms all along.
We have been demanding an impartial judicial inquiry to unmask
the ugly faces involved in the mass killings of Hindus, Muslims
and Sikhs, whenever it may have occurred. But this was never
acceptable to the Government of India.
There was a hartal in Kashmir despite our call. That too,
has a reason. Amidst the roar of guns, the noise of politics
is occasionally lost—let alone a saner, sounder political
design. What is more disgusting is that the people who talk
against terrorism overtly and covertly created a situation
where the people of Kashmir had no alternative other than
shutting down everything.
You
have to see who benefits by this hartal, and they played a
role to make it a success. When we said no to the hartal,
we meant to convey that as victims of state terrorism we must
join the global coalition—not only in condemning terrorism
but in addressing issues which give rise to terms like terrorism,
communalism and criminality.
We are fully aware that there is a vicious design to link
the terrorist attack in America with our movement and give
it a bad name. There is a saying in Kashmiri, which explains
this evil design. It is said that a camel ate up cotton in
Qazigund in south Kashmir and lo and behold, a weaver was
punished in Khadanyar 100 kms away in north.
The Kashmir dispute was born in the matrix of the partition
of India. When Kashmir’s Maharaja was forced to leave Kashmir,
he signed the so-called instrument of accession at Jammu (although
this is disputed). This was accepted by the Government of
India with a condition that as soon as normalcy returned,
the future dispensation of the J&K State will be referred
to the people of J&K State with a view to ascertaining
whether they want to join India or Pakistan. This condition,
in fact, was enshrined in this instrument as an additional
proviso.
But
the Government of India honoured it more in breach than in
observance. Similarly, it was the Government of India that
took the Kashmir dispute to the United Nations and everybody
knows the fate of those UN resolutions.
This
denial of the basic right of people to express themselves
in accordance with the principles of democracy later took
a different turn—the armed struggle. This struggle has to
be understood with reference to State violence forced on the
people of J&K. Violence breeds violence like hatred breeds
hatred. It is violence as communication because the four-decade-long
non-violent means to achieve the right of self-determination
was not allowed to succeed by sabotage and ruthless force.
What
was Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah’s plebiscite front? It was a
non-violent freedom movement spearheaded by none other than
the father of the present chief minister Farooq Abdullah.
Later the Muslim United Front’s (MUF) participation in the
electoral process was the constitutional endeavour of the
people of Jammu and Kashmir to resolve the dispute on the
floor of the State Assembly. It too was exclusively non-violent.
It
is therefore as illogical and unacceptable to link the Kashmir
dispute with the tragedy that struck Americans in New York
and Washington. The struggle of Kashmiri people for their
right of self-determination does not and cannot fit even remotely
in any definition of terrorism anywhere in the world.
The
people of Kashmir die on the soil of Kashmir at the hands
of soldiers who are all non-Kashmiris. Look at the size, resources
and power of India and the smallest, weakest and probably
the simplest people of Kashmir. It is crystal clear who is
the victim and who is the terrorist.
But
we also understand this campaign against us. The oppressors
have been always using weapons to beat freedom lovers—one
such weapon is to label them terrorists. Subhash Chandra Bose,
Bhagat Singh, Chandrashekhar and hundreds of others like them
are martyrs and national heroes of free India. They were terrorists
for the British empire.
There
have been many such efforts to bring disrepute to Kashmir’s
freedom movement. First they tried to communalise the movement.
Then they tried to commercialise it and buy us over; then
they started the criminalisation of our movement by organising
and arming renegades.
While
an active campaign to root out terrorism is essential, we
have to draw a line between a freedom movement and terrorism.
History bears testimony that no freedom lover can pass for
a terrorist. Our boys have not picked up guns to kill innocent
people but to force the Government of India to listen to reason
and allow people to express their will in regard to the future
disposition of Jammu and Kashmir.
We believe that as a consequence of the tragedy that struck
America on September 11, leaders across the world will now
understand the pain and indignity we are subject to in our
own land and mount pressure on the parties to seek a settlement
of the dispute in the interest of permanent peace.
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