Decade of AK clatter that shattered centuries of Kashmir serenity

Valley did not don mantle of militancy overnight. Rather, it took decades of Centre's indifference and perpetual alienation of Kashmiri masses

Mufti Islah

Beginning of the Nineties saw bombs and Klashnikov fire invade the centuries-old serenity of Kashmir Valley. The AK clatter and bomb blasts announced probably the darkest period of Kashmir history -- perhaps worse than 11th and 13th century Kashmir, when thousands perished in recurring, floods.

Ten years down the road, militancy-related violence has seen death of more than 20,000 people and destruction of property worth millions, i.e., if one goes by the official estimates. The separatist conglomerate, the All Parties' Hurriyat Conference, an unarmed wing favouring Kashmir's dissociation with India, however puts the number of killed at over 50,000. The decade-old militancy has also seen the displacement of about two lakh Kashmiri Pandits, who fled Valley fearing attacks from militants. The period also saw gross violation of human rights indulged in by militants and security forces alike.

Militancy also dealt a severe blow to the economy of the "poor" state by striking at its very backbone and the most revenue generating industry -- tourism. It has also orphaned some 20,000 besides widowing hundreds; snatching away thousands of bread-earners of poor families. These years also bred corruption, nepotism and mal-administration, besides inflicting severe dent on the educational system and promotional works of State.

How did militancy make inroads into the Valley?

Kashmir observers are of the view that anti-India sentiments were always brewing among a powerful section of people in the Valley.

Says Tahir Mohiuddin, political commentator on Kashmir and Editor of weekly Chattan: ``Though lying dormant most of the time, this group (anti-India) had the following of a vast chunk of people, (manifest) especially whenever Delhi tried to move a `resolution on Kashmir'. Gradually public support began to broaden and soon the group was successful in garnering overwhelming support of those neutral to the entire politicking.''

Another factor that led to alienation of Kashmiris, Mohiuddin says, is gross indifference on the part of the Centre. In the entire period beginning 1950s, Delhi has ruled Jammu and Kashmir through its stooges. Be they leaders from the Congress or the National Conference, New Delhi always bought loyalties and never cemented the democratic institution in the state.

``Be it Mir Qasim, Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad, Sheikh Abdullah or his son Farooq, the Delhi bosses always sided with leaders who entered into an understanding with them vis-a-vis the Kashmir tangle,'' says Mohiuddin.

Citing an instance in 1984, a retired political science professor says, after developing cold-feet towards Farooq-led NC Government, New Delhi sided with his estranged brother-in-law, Ghulam Mohammad Shah, to remove Farooq unceremoniously from the office. Shah was ``pitchforked'' to CM's office with immediate effect, he adds.

The Central government, adds Mohiuddin, never gave Kashmiri voters the choice to see and feel the beauty of democracy, as was happening in other states where governments were made and brought down at the drop of a hat.

``Contrary to what was prevalent elsewhere, the people here never saw themselves in a position to change governments. This led to perception that their votes were no better than tissue-paper,'' says Senior journalist Surinder Oberoi adding that the alienation of Kashmiri masses heightened during the late 80s. He believes 1987 Assembly elections were the turning point for Kashmir moulding itself into militancy mantle.

He pointing out that a new party, Muslim United Front (MUF) with youngsters forming the bulk of it was beginning to show promise and even fancied to turn tables on NC Government, but the NC rigged elections to leave MUF workers embittered. In fact, MUF bagged only few seats as against expectations of running through many of NC strongholds.

Adds Mohiuddin, ``This episode disenchanted the MUF leaders, many of whom later crossed over to Pakistan only to return brandishing Klashnikovs. Disillusioned and feeling cheated, people too gave vent to anger by starting to sympathise with these ``Mujahids''. Basking in the glory of massive public support, the militants reinvented Jammu and Kashmir Liberation Front (JKLF) which, after the hanging of its prominent leader Maqbool Bhat, remained suspended in a nascent stage.''

The HAJY group -- acronym for four JKLF leaders, namely Hamid Sheikh, Ashfaq Majid, Javeed Mir and Yaseen Malik -- was the first to have crossed to Pakistani side for arms training. On their return, they were accorded good reception by the people. The foursome shot into prominence after abducting daughter of former Union Home Minister Mufti Mohammad Sayeed and were successful in seeking release of their held accomplices in lieu. Hamid and Ashfaq were killed in encounters with security forces.

Taking cue from this incident, says Oberoi, militancy heralded a new phenomemon in early 90s as it scaled higher and higher in strength in the absence of an adequate security apparatus. Thousands of youths infiltrated and exfiltrated through the porous Radcliffe Line; some for sheer adventurism, others, because of "motivation and religious compulsions". Soon militancy became disorganised having attained a "mob status". Several outfits were founded and abandoned and, according to top police officials, time came when there were some 136 militant outfits operating. The crossover to Pak can be gauged from the fact that some 35,000 youths were arrested by security agencies during 1990-96 alone.

Watching from the fence, the state administration let the situation slip out of hand with then Chief Minister Farooq Abdullah proceeding for "honeymoon" in London. Farooq's exit saw Jagmohan coming here as Governor after the Assembly was dissolved. Jagmohan re-geared the administration before being summoned back after religious leader Moulvi Mohammad Farooq's funeral procession was fired at by security forces at Hawal. That probably gave a free run to the militants.